Thank you
for taking the time to attend this Press Conference. In a
democracy, a national election is an occasion to review the
performance of a government in dealing with the challenges
before it. I therefore welcome the opportunity to share my
thoughts on some of the critical issues that confront us.
I will
first discuss our economic situation and then turn to issues
of national security.
I have
always believed that it is the sacred duty of our government
to ensure the fullest realisation of our country’s
potential. One of our first priorities as a nation must
therefore be to lift the crushing burden of poverty,
ignorance and disease which still afflict so many of our
people. We can achieve this objective by operating on two
fronts: we must accelerate the pace of economic growth and
simultaneously we must also ensure that the growth is much
more inclusive.
This is
the strategy we have followed and while much still remains
to be done, I do believe we have had substantial success on
both fronts.
The facts
about economic growth under the UPA Government speak for
themselves. Over the last five years our economy has grown
at an average rate of about 8.6 percent per year, a growth
rate unprecedented in the history of India. By contrast, the
average growth rate in the NDA period was only 5.8%.
Last year,
our growth was interrupted by a truly exceptional global
downturn. We too have been affected, but we have weathered
the storm much better than most. Economic growth in 2008-09
has slowed down, and is likely to be a little less than 7%.
The slowdown is a matter of concern, but our situation is
very different from the deep recession being experienced
elsewhere.
We have
handled, and will continue to handle, the slowdown with
determination, using both monetary and fiscal policy to
stimulate the economy. I have no doubt that our innate
economic strengths will ensure that we will soon get back to
a high growth path.
The growth
of the last five years has not only been more robust, it has
also been much more inclusive. This is because, in addition
to our many policies aimed at achieving faster growth, we
also launched a series of policy initiatives aimed at
reversing the neglect of agriculture and promoting the
welfare of the aam aadmi. We also unleashed a massive
public effort at improving education and health facilities,
especially in rural areas.
Our performance in the agricultural sector is a matter of
special satisfaction since this is where the bulk of our
population earns most of their living. After growing at a
fairly healthy 3.6% per year between 1980 and 1996,
agricultural growth slowed down to less than 2 % per year
when the country was ruled by United Front and NDA
governments. To reverse this unforgivable neglect we set a
target of bringing agricultural growth up to 4% per year in
the Eleventh Plan. I am happy to say that a marked
improvement is already visible. Agricultural growth has
averaged 3.7% per year in the past four years.
Three
years ago, there was widespread concern about food security.
We launched a Food Security Mission to increase foodgrain
production in several parts of the country. Today, we are
harvesting bumper crops. Our granaries are full and we will
end the current year with record food stocks. Foodgrain
production which was only 213 million tones in the year
before we came to office, hit a record of 231 million tonnes
in 2007-08.
Non
foodgrain agriculture has been even more buoyant reflecting
the rapid growth of horticulture, dairying and fisheries.
This process of diversification provides farmers with new
income opportunities, linking them to growing markets in
urban areas.
This
turnaround has occurred because of a comprehensive
restructuring of agricultural policies.
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We
have given the farmer much better support prices.
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We
have massively increased allocations to the states for
irrigation.
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We
have launched a highly successful National Horticulture
Mission.
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We
have launched a new Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana which
provides central government support for agricultural
plans for each district reflecting district specific
requirements.
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We
gave farmers a one-time benefit of a massive loan waiver
to compensate for distress caused by past neglect.
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We
have ensured that agricultural credit has increased at
an unprecedented rate and is now being provided at a
very low rate.
Production
gains in agriculture have been supported by the introduction
of a revolutionary Right to Employment via the National
Rural Employment Guarantee. This provides much needed income
support to the rural poor while also building productive
assets which will help agricultural production. We have also
undertaken an unprecedented effort at building rural
infrastructure through the Bharat Nirman Programme which
will improve income-generating capacity in rural areas. The
rural roads programme in particular is bringing about much
needed improvements in road connectivity, which is critical
for agricultural diversification and generation of
non-agricultural income in the rural areas.
The weaker
sections, such as the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes, Other Backward Classes and the Minorities, often do
not get an adequate share of the fruits of progress. We have
made special efforts to evolve policies which will ensure
that these groups get their fair share of benefits.
The credit
for our economic success goes first and foremost to our
farmers, workers, scientists, teachers and entrepreneurs.
However, their efforts cannot succeed unless Government
provides a supportive framework. This is what we have tried
to do.
The full
benefits of our policies, especially in education and
health, and also in infrastructure development, will take
time to show results. However, I have no doubt that history
will record that the process our Government has set in
motion will enable India to occupy her rightful place in the
world. The world knows it, and this is reflected in a new
respect for India in global decision-making circles – both
official and commercial.
Let me now turn from our economic challenges to some others
that are equally important.
India
today faces sharply increased security risks. This is not
primarily because of domestic developments, but because of
the serious internal crises engulfing our neighbors,
particularly Pakistan. The NDA government handled this
problem in its own way. It promised voters that it would be
tough on terror and even declared its Home Minister to be
India’s “Iron Man”.
Mr. Advani
likes to call me a weak Prime Minister. I cannot help
pointing out that when held to the fire during the Kandahar
hijacking, the BJP’s “Iron Man” was quick to melt! He agreed
to release the terrorists and subjected his cabinet
colleague Shri Jaswant Singh to the humiliation of having to
personally escort the terrorists to their safe haven.
When there
was a terrorist attack on Parliament in the NDA period, we
again saw another round of empty rhetoric. The government
was unable to get even an acknowledgement, let alone an
apology or corrective action from Pakistan.
When terrorists attacked Mumbai in November and held large
number of people hostage, we did not send our foreign
minister to negotiate with them and concede their demands.
We sent highly trained commandos that killed nine of them
and captured one alive. We also quietly but firmly made it
clear to President Zardari that he would have to take action
and do so quickly. We used sustained diplomacy to put
international pressure on Pakistan. As a result, for the
first time, Pakistan has acknowledged that the attack was
planned and executed from its own soil, and has arrested
some of the individuals responsible. We will continue to
monitor Pakistan’s behavior and their sincerity in ensuring
that these individuals are brought to justice.
One of our important diplomatic successes is that we ended
India’s long and unfair nuclear isolation. We succeeded in
getting the 44 countries of the Nuclear Suppliers Group to
agree to lift the long standing and unfair shackles which
prevented India from accessing nuclear fuel and also various
types of sensitive technologies. The door is now open for
collaborating with all members of the NSG. We can now
confidently plan for rapid expansion of nuclear power
capacity which was otherwise held up by lack of uranium. We
expect to see collaborations in nuclear energy with many
countries, including the U.S., in future.
Finally, I must share with you my concern about what could
possibly become a major challenge in the near future, and
that relates to communal harmony. To fulfil our destiny we
must beware of internal divisiveness. That is why I worry
when political parties resort to communal appeals. India is
celebrated around the world for the tolerance that is an
essential part of our culture. Our democracy is lauded for
demonstrating the possibility that people of different
religions can not only co-exist but actually cooperate and
flourish. The 1984 riots and the Gujarat carnage were a blot
on this great tradition. I am proud to say that there was no
large scale communal violence during my government’s regime.
I guarantee that we will maintain this record in future.
There is a
lesson in our recent experience for secular parties which
look for alternative political alignments. They must
consider carefully whether their search for political
alignments will only work to the advantage of communal
forces.
Friends,
Throughout my life, I have believed that substance triumphs
over style, performance over public relations, and hard work
over short-cuts. I am not a sloganeer. I will readily
concede that most of my opponents make more rousing
speeches. They may have more catchy phrases and may run
better marketing campaigns. But unlike the NDA’s Prime
Ministerial candidate, I will not be found weeping in a
corner while hoodlums tear down a centuries-old mosque. Nor
will I be found wringing my hands in frustration while one
of my Chief Ministers condones a pogrom targeted at
minorities. And I will certainly not say things in Pakistan
that offend every Indian and then abandon my stand when it
becomes politically inconvenient within my party. Mr. Advani
has the unique ability to combine strength in speech with
weakness in action. This is not the kind of strength we
need.
This is
not a time for sloganeering. Nor is it a time for leaders
who cannot stand by their conviction. It is a time for
action, a time for decisiveness, and a time for vision. Only
the Congress can pursue the vision of an economically
resurgent and socially just society, a society that will
shine for everyone and not just for the rich in urban areas.
Let me now invite your questions.